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How
the huacas
were
The
language
of
substance and
transformation
in
the
Huarochiri
Quechua
manuscript
FRANK
SALOMON
Two
of
the
most
important
verbs relevant
to
Andean
concepts
of
being
have
already
been
well dealt
with
by
researchers:
camay,
or
roughly
"to
animate,
to
impart
specific
form and
force"
in G.
Taylor's
article
(1974-1976);
and
hua?uy,
or
"to
die"
in
Urioste's article
(1981).1
Other clues
to
assumptions
about existence
appear
in
Duviols's
(1978)
and
Taylor's
(1980)
clarifications
of
upani,
or
roughly
"shade,"
which
seems
related
to
colonial
Quechua
supay,
or
"demon." This
essay
sketches further
usages
and
implications
of the
lexicon
about
being
and
substance and
transformation
of
beings
as
we
know
them
from
the
one
and
only
available
early
text
that
presents
an
Andean belief
system
in
an
Andean
language,
namely
the
anonymous
Quechua
manuscript
of
Huarochiri
(circa
1608;
for
translations,
see
Taylor
1987;
Salomon and
Urioste
1991).
It is
important
to
understand
at
the
start
that,
while
the Huarochiri book contains
origin
myths,
legends,
and
priestly
lore of
clearly pre-Hispanic
derivation,
the colonial
Quechua
language
and the
writing practices
in
which
they
are
expressed by
1608
had been much
influenced
by
the
Church's
labors
toward
making
the
former
"Language
of the
Inca" into
an
evangelical interlingua
(Mannheim
1991,
Duviols
and
Itier
1993).
Thus the
concepts
of
being
implicit
in
colonial
Quechua
language
and
writing
practices
are
not
necessarily
disconnected from the
largely
Aristotelian and
Augustinian
philosophic
discussion that
lies
in
the
background
of
Peruvian
evangelization.
The source for the
Quechua
manuscript
is a
multilayered
compendium
containing
testimonies
by
villagers
from
a
group
of
agropastoral
settlements
on
the
western
Andean
heights overlooking
Lima
and also
containing
editorial
material
by
the native
researcher
who
gathered
the
stories.
In
the
paragraphs
that
follow,
most
examples
come
from
passages
of
the
former
sort,
but
a
few
(such
as
chapter
titles,
and
so
on)
come
from
1.
The
orthography
is
colonial.
Throughout
the
present essay
Quechua
lexicon is
quoted
as
found
in
sources
rather than
rephonologized.
the
latter. The
master
argument
of the
manuscript
concerns
how
a
group
of
formerly marginal
herding
lineages
rooted
in
the
high
tundra
advanced under the
patronage
of
the
mountain
deity
Paria Caca
into
the
richer
middle
and then lower
valleys, conquering
the
aboriginal
Yunca
peoples,
and
at
the
same
time
welding
themselves
into
the
complex
ritual
regimen
the
Yuncas
had
possessed.
It
accords
great
importance
to
the
aboriginal
female
deity Chaupi
?amca,
who
is in
some
ways
Paria
Caca's
down-valley
counterpart.
If
we
curb
assumptions
that "verbs
of
being"
in
the
Quechua
manuscript
correspond
to
familiar notions
of
being
and
becoming,
regularities
in
their
semantic
domains
and
usages emerge
and
become useful
for
interpreting
the
manuscript's
implicit
world
view.
In
this
discussion
I
will
occasionally
use
the
word
ontology,
not
with
any
claim
to
discovering ontological
categories
in
Andean
thought,
but
rather
using
familiar
western
ontological
categories
as
an
aid
to
textual
exegesis by
making
explicit
the attributes
we
think
we
recognize
in
Andean
assertions
about
being,
substance,
and
change. Panayot
Butchvarov
(1995:490)
reviews
ontology
in
its
Aristotelian
sense
of "first
philosophy,"
that
is,
"the
study
of
being
qua
being,
i.e.,
of
the
most
general
and
necessary
characteristics that
anything
must
have
in
order
to count
as
a
being,
an
entity
(ens).,f
The
root
problem
in
ontology
is
that
(at
least
in
languages
known
to
European philosophers)
the
range
of
"things"
that
can
be
subjects
of the verb "to be"?that
is,
the
range
of
percepts
that can be
recognized
as discrete
features
on
a
common
spaciotemporal
grounding?is
in
most
respects
a
non-set: not
apples
and
oranges,
but
apples,
events,
and abstractions. The
common
ontological
categories
are,
in
Butchvarov's
summary:
individual
things
(Socrates,
a
book)
properties
(Socrates'
baldness,
a
book's
rectangularity)
relations
(marriage,
the
priority
of
one
book
to
another)
events
(Socrates'
death,
a
book's
publication)
states
of
affairs
(Socrates'
having
died,
the fact that
a
book
is
in
print)
sets
(the
set
of
Greek
philosophers
or
books)
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8
RES 3 SPRING1998
Concerns of
western
ontological
philosophy
include,
for
example, asking
whether
some
individual
things
are
"substances
in
the Aristotelian
sense,
i.e.,
enduring
through
time and
changes
in
their
properties
and
relations,
or
whether all
individual
things
are
momentary";
"whether
any
entity
has essential
properties,
i.e.,
properties
without
which
it
would
not
exist/'
and "whether
properties
and
relations
are
particulars
or
universals"
(Butchvarov
1995:490).
Do
the
implicitudes
of
a
nonwestern
source,
the
Quechua manuscript
of
Huarochiri,
allow
us
to
glimpse
any
Andean
assumptions
about
problems
of this order?
It
may
be worth
trying
out
the
following
suggestions.2
1
:
Cay
and
tiay
are
in
complementary
contrast
as
qualitative
and
dynamic
being
versus
situated
being
We
can
start
considering
the
lexicon
of
being
by
noting
that
the
language
of
the Huarochiri
writer
tends
to
place
two
verbs of
being
in
contrasting
opposition,
as
if
suggesting
that the
two
between
them
name
the
attributes
that make
anything
or
anybody ontologically
present.
The first substantive
chapter
(Ch.
1)
of
the
Huarochiri manuscript isone of the six that have
Spanish-language
headings:
Como
fue
anteguam[en]te
los
ydolos
. . .
y
como
auia
en
aquel
tiempo
los
naturales,
or
"How
the Idols
of Old
Were
. . .
and
How
the
Natives
Existed"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
3
The
revealing
point
here
is
the
Quechua
interference
in
Spanish?not
the
"incorrect"
non-pluralization,
which
simply
reflects
Quechua's
optional
pluralizing
rules
(for
both
nouns
and
verbs),
but the fact that the author
contrasted
"ser" with "haber"
in
a
fashion
imparallel
to
their usual
Spanish
senses.
He did
so
because he
was
in
need of a way to translate a distinction between two verbs
that
posit
ontological
presence?both
necessary
to
the task
of
introducing
huacas,
that
is,
superhuman
beings,
but
neither
one
semantical
ly
congruent
to
"ser"
or
"haber"
(or
"estar").
We learn what these verbs
are
in
a
later
chapter's
heading,
which
similarly
offers
an
introduction
to
a
huaca.
This
instance is
not
forced
into
Spanish:
ymanam
chaupi
?amca
carean
maypim
t?an,
or
"How
Chaupi
?amca
was
and
where
she
is
[situated]''
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec. 141
Here
cascan
and
tiascan
stand
in
complementary
contrast;
the former
concerns
what and how she
was,
that
is,
acted,
and the
latter
concerns
where she
was,
that
is,
situated. The distinction
concerns
being
as
activity
versus
being
as
situated
existence.
This
particular
quotation
highlights
the
separability
of
the
concepts
by
using
different
tenses;
the
great
female
power
Chaupi
?amca
"was,"
"acted"
(carcan)
in
a
past-tense
form,
because
prior
to
the
time
of
writing
Christians had
already
desecrated and ritual
ly
deactivated
her,
but she
"is" at
the
time
of
writing
still "situated"
(tian),
because
her
stone
embodiment
"is"
still hidden where she
was
buried
(at
a
specified
site,
Tumna
Plaza).
Similar
contrasts
occur
in sections
14
and
126 of the
manuscript.
A
being
may
have
either
or
both of
these
attributes,
with somewhat different
ontological
implications.
We
will
therefore
examine
each
one
separately.
Point
1a:
Cay
denotes
qualitative being
manifested
in
action
There does
not
appear
to
be
any
such semantic
isolate
as mere
existence,
certainly
no
verb
exclusively
glossed
by
"to exist"
as
opposed
to
nonexistence.
The
best colonial
lexicographer,
Gonc?lez
Holgu?n,
understood
cay
as
meaning
"ser de
essencia
o
de
existencia"
("to
be,
in
the
sense
of
essence or
of
existence,"
Gonc?lez
Holgu?n
1952
[1608]:668).
Like similar verbs
in
many
languages,
cay
can
function
as a
simple
copula
(for
example, pirn canqui,
or
"who
are
you" [Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991: sec. 238]). As an
auxiliary
verb combined
with
an
agentive
form it
signifies
habitual
action
(muchac
carcan,
or
"they
used
to
worship"
[Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
7]).
Beyond
that,
cay
brackets
together
cases
of
being
as
specificity
(of
condition, attribute,
identity)
manifested
via
action
through
time. In
usages
like:
. . .
ymanam
casac
?ispa
tapuspam,
or
".
.
.
asking,
saying
'how
shall
I
[orwe]
be?'"
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds. 1991
:sec.
472
2.
In
the
examples,
references
are
made
to
chapters
of
the
original
with
the abbreviation
"Ch." and references
to
passages
are
made
by
section
number,
for
example,
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
3)
meaning
section
(not
page)
3
of
the Salomon-Urioste
translation.
This
citation
form facilitates
comparison
with
the
Quechua
original,
which
is
section-numbered
in
parallel.
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Salomon:
How
the huacas
were
9
the
petitioner merely
wants to
know
a
future
qualitative
state
of
welfare
(similar
usages
occur
in
sections
31,
131,
and
286).
What
is
distinctive about
cay
in
the
texts
is
a
tendency
to
include
senses
translatable
as
"to act"
or
"to
happen."
The nominalized
perfect
form of the verb
cay,
or
"to
be"(casca)
means
"events"
not
"entities"?that
which
somebody
or
something
did.
Casca
can
refer
to
the
sum
of
a
being's
activities
or
its characteristic
activities. One
might
accept
a
remote
gloss
like the
"nature"
of
that
entity,
but "deeds"
is
also often
appropriate:
cay
cunirayap
cascanracmi ?ahca
vira
cochap
cascanman
tincon,
or
"this
Cuni
Raya's
deeds
('nature'?
Identity'?)
almost match
Vira
Cocha's deeds"
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds.
1991
:sec.
7;
see
also
sees.
1,
126
Gerald
Taylor,
a
careful
semantic
analyst,
also includes
culto,
or
"the
religious
interaction
of
people
and
superhumans,"
among
his
glosses
for
casca
(1987:50-51).
In
the latter
sense
its semantic
component
"activity"
seems
far broader than that
implicit
in
the
English
verb "be."
In
the
two
chapter
headings
cited
above,
each
heading
asks
an
implicit
question
as
to
'"how
[the
huaca]
was."
The
answers
to
the
question
"how
was
s/he?"
is
not
a
statement
about
either
momentary
condition
or
about
unchangingly
predicated
attribute,
but
the
whole
story
of the
person's
action?that
is,
the
whole
chapter
(Chs.
1,
10
for the cited
examples).
All
told,
casca,
the
"being"
of
a
Huarochiri
actor,
seemingly
accentuates
the notion of
event
as
constitutive of
entity.
The huacas
have,
in
some
contexts,
individuality
and
properties,
but
in
others
they
are
seemingly imagined
as
long-term overarching
sequences
of
phenomena
or
deeds.
Point
1b:
T/ay
denotes
situated
being
Tiay inGonc?lez Holgu?n's dictionary meant
"sentarse
estar
sentado,
estar
en
alg?n lugar
morar
habitar"
(1952
[1608]:340),
or
"to sit
down,
to
be
seated,
to
be
in
some
place,
to
dwell,
to
inhabit."
He
then
gives
many
derived
terms,
all
implying
decreasingly
kinetic
states.
For
example,
he
gives
a
Quechua
phrase
comparable
to
the
English
transitive
usage
"to
still
(something)."
Tiaycuchini
sonconta
(with
forced
literalism
one
could
gloss
this
as
"I
make her/his
heart
sit")
meant
"to calm someone's
anger."
Derivatives
meant
"to
be
in
an
available,
motionless
state,"
for
example,
of
merchandise
on
sale.
With
the
"dynamic
modifier"
(Urioste
1973:174)
-ku,
it
yields tiacoy,
or
"to
dwell"
or
"stay."
In
the Huarochiri
text:
cananpas
sutilla
escay
runi
runahina
tiacon,
or
"two stones
just
like
people
are
[located]
there
even
now"
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds. 1991
:sec.
18;
see
also
sees.
14,
32, 34, 50,
etc.
Tiay
is the verb that
seems
to
emphasize individuality
as
substance: that
singularity
of
a
huaca that endures
throughout
its
changes
and
relationships.
Tiay
often
expresses the idea of existence in a permanent location
and endurance
in
the
form
of hard
materials,
like
rock,
or
in
the form
of
permanent
corporations,
like
villages
or
priesthoods. Chaupi
?amca,
whose
casca
is
spoken
of
in
a
perfect
nominalized
form,
is
the
subject
of
active
verb
tian
long
after her
"happening"
seems
to
have
ended.
2:
Accumulating
action and
changing
situation
modify
ontological
accent
Various
researchers
mentioned below have
suggested
that
in
Andean
speculation,
the
trajectory
of all
being
through
time is
basically
uniform.
Huacas,
like
people,
plants, and animals, pass through a gradient from
kinetic,
fleshly,
fast-changing being
toward
static,
hard,
slow-changing
being.
The
more
energetic
and fateful
their
actions,
the farther
they
move
from soft biotic
states,
full of
potential,
to
the hard
states,
full of
permanence,
seen
in
deified
mountains
and other
land features. This
point
has
already
been well
explored
by
Allen
and other
researchers whose
work
is
summarized
below.
It
is
useful
to
notice,
however,
that
though
the
myths
speak
of
purportedly
continuous
entities?substantial
beings,
in
the
Aristotelian
sense
of entities
that
survive
changes
of
property
and relations?to refer
to
them
in
their
successive
states
entails
emphasizing
different
categorical
sorts
of
being, by which Imean the sorts of being summarized
above
by
Butchvarov. This
shifting emphasis might
be
called
change
of
ontological
accent.
For
example,
the
being
Paria
Caca
is
spoken
of
as
the
following:
5
eggs
5
falcons
5
heroic
"men,"
collectively
called
"the
five
of him"
(pichcantin)
a
snowcapped,
double-peaked
mountain
storm,
red
rain
and
yellow
rain,
flood
and
earthslide
a
person
and
voice
[that
is,
oracle]
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10
RES
33 SPRING
1998
What,
then,
isCaca the
eponym
of? The first three
instances
refer
to
his
theophany,
in the form of five
eggs
that hatched five
falcons
who
became
five
men,
each
the
founder of
one
of the five
large
putative
descent
groups
understood
as
belonging
to
a
single
maximal
ethnic
entity.
In
the first three
instances
then,
the
ontological
category
"set" is
salient
(the
ideological
implication
being
the
"reality"
of
the
set
formed
by
five
ethnically
related
political
units).
In
the
first and
third,
the
category
"relation"
is
salient;
the
metaphorical
tension
between
human
sibling
bonds
(which
have birth
order)
and
the
simultaneity
of
a
clutch of
eggs
(which
lack it) is the main implication. Like hatchlings, the five
groups
are
equals
by
birth,
yet
like
brothers
they
are
not.
The
fourth,
Paria Caca's final form
(and
his
tiascan
or
located
being)
accentuates
individuality
and
substantiality.
The fifth
accentuates
the
category
"event,"
insofar
as
Paria Caca
was
the
event,
a
storm
of red and
yellow
rain.
The
sixth does
as
well,
but
also
emphasizes
"state
of
affairs/'
namely
the
state
of
Paria Caca's
having
ordained
a
social
order.
The
thinking
expressed
here embraces
the
perception
of
experience
as
ontological
ly heterogeneous,
as
Aristotle
taught.
But it deals with
this
not
in
the
Aristotelian fashion
noted
above,
that
is,
by
sorting
out
percepts
according
to
different
sorts
of
realness
we can
accord
them,
but rather
by organizing ontological
heterogeneity
in
terms
of
single beings
that
unite
multiple
sorts
of realness and demonstrate them
through
varied manifestations.
Thus
the accumulation of eventful
being
is
treated
as
altering
ontological
status
itself. The
conveners
of the
meeting
from
which this
essay
derives called
attention
to
the
concept
of
a
continuum from
transitory
to
durable
modes of
being.
This idea derives
from
insights
by
Catherine Allen
(1982)
and
George
Urioste. Urioste's
1981 essay on the death gradient is itself an exegesis of
the
Huarochiri
manuscript.
His
conclusion
has
since
the
date
of
writing
been
confirmed
by ethnographic findings
(Paerregaard
1987,
Valderrama
1980,
Salomon
1995).
His
point
is
that
unlike
Euro-American
models
of
death,
which
treat
death
as
a
durationless
moment
of division
between
the
"live"
status
before
expiration
and "death"
after
it,
Quechua
hua?oc
("die-er")
brackets those
soon
to
expire
with
those
recently expired.
The moribund and
the
recently
deceased form
a
single
class of
beings,
whose duration
extends between the
"living"
(causad)
and the enshrined
ancestor
(aya)
phases
of
being.
This
L
-w
,
*;V'^'
i
.^IWHIIIBiii^iiBHBKM^^M^^B
mk
^*.-j&?.
'-.?
-
.c^4ii^SiHBB9III^Hfi^H^^^HH ^^^^^^^^HMHHi^^l
^H^BkI^^^HE^^
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^^^QIBHHHI^S^I^^^HIB^seP'C^JSv
Figure
1.The
snowcap
Rariacaca,
in
the
western
Andean
cordillera
south of
Lima,
is
a
permanent
manifestation of the
multiply
realized
deity
who dominates
the
Huarochiri
Quechua
text.
This
photograph
shows the
south
peak
of the double
peaked
snowcap,
which
is
probably adjacent
to
Paria
Caca's ancient shrine. Photo:
Frank Salomon.
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Salomon:
How
the huacas
were
11
transition
can
be
seen as
one
segment
of
a
more
inclusive view
of
life and death
in
continuum. Duviols
(1978)
and Allen
(1982)
have each
independently
emphasized
a
pervasive
"vegetative
metaphor,"
which
connects
the
tender,
juicy,
wet
character of
young
beings
(new
plants,
babies)
with
the
ever more
firm
and
resistant,
but also
dryer
and
more
rigid
character of older
ones
(adults,
mature
plants)
and
finally,
with
the
desiccated but
enduring
remains
of
beings
who have left
life
and been
preserved (preserved
crops
like freeze-dried
potatoes
or
ch'u?u
[mummies]).
The
most
permanent
of
all beings are geological features such as mountains
(Rubina
1992).
The
dynamizing
feature of this
cosmology
is
the
circulating
and
ever
re-fecundating relationship
among
beings differently
located
in action
and
time. The
"soul"
(which
in
the Huarochiri
source
is
often called
by
the
Spanish
word
anima,
or
"spirit")
is
visualized
as a
small
flying
creature
that
departs
from the dead
person,
much
as a
seed
departs
from
a
dying
plant,
and
conserves
its
vitality
in
a
sacred
space,
Uma
Pacha.
In
idolatry
trials,
some
defendants
gave
voice
to
an
image
of
Uma
Pacha
as
being
a
farm where
spirits,
like
seeds,
could flourish back toward
fleshly
life.
The
destination
of
souls
is sometimes
also
identified
with the
origin
shrines
of ego's group, again emphasizing a circulating principle.
At
the
highest
extreme
of
permanence,
beings
of
prototypical
importance?those
whose
actions
actually
shaped
the conditions of
existence?are
spoken
of
as
having
hardened
into
everlasting
material,
namely
stone
or
other
land features. These
most
durable
beings
provide,
indeed
literally
become,
the
ground
on
which
new
transient
beings
emerge.
The
overall
direction is
to
map
general
structures
of
congruence
among
living
human
collectivities,
ancestral
or
legendary
society
(whose
material substance
is
shrines and
the
consecrated
dead),
landscape
forms
(mountains
and
waterways),
and
cosmological
facts
(cosmological
bodies,
the
climate).
However this is not to assert that the world of huaca
devotees
was
of the
sort
that Bellah
(1964)
recognized
in
speaking
of
societies
where
divinity
is
so
close
as to
be
ontological lymerged
with
society.
Although people,
mummies,
huacas,
and
the
cosmos are
kindred
beings,
they
relate
to
temporality
and the laws of
nature in
dissimilar
ways.
The individual
being
passing
through
eventful
time
actually
changes
in
ontological
accent
or
association. The mode
of
life described
as
characteristic
of huaca devotees
is
characterized
by
a
complex
regimen
of ritual behaviors
governing relationships
between
beings
of unlike
standing.
3:
Communication
among
beings
of
unequal
metaphysical
or
ontological standing
occurs
through
"slides"
along
the vital
gradient
Since
ritual consisted of
reciprocity
among
beings
of
all
classes,
human and
nonhuman,
it
implied
communication
among
beings
of unlike
ontological
standing.
The rituals described
in
the
Quechua
source,
as
well
as some
ethnographical ly
observed
rites,
which
embody
continuities with
them,
have
a
common
metaprogram
or
genre
scenario
for
achieving
this.
As
was
suggested
in
the
example
of
Paria
Caca,
huacas
were
cultural
postulates
whose
interest
was
rooted
precisely
in
the
fact
that
they
united
in
"persons"
heterogeneous
perceptions
of
reality
as
substance,
event,
category,
and
so
on.
The
attributes of
beings
in
different
parts
of
the vital
continuum
with
their
differing ontological
accents,
appealed
to
differing
ritual
needs,
with the
predominant
mode
being approach
to
more
exalted,
permanent,
and
empowered
beings
by
lower, softer,
more
mutable
ones.
These
approaches
tend
to
be
governed by
a
fairly
regular
program.
The
actors
are:
(1)
at
least
one
sacred
being;
(2)
a
person,
generally
acting
as
part
of
a
collectivity, transacting
a
reciprocal gift;
and
(3)
at
least
one
person
who
acts as
mediator.
The
collectivity
and
the mediator
engage
in
divergent
actions. The
collectivity
enters
ritual
states
of
heightened vitality
and
solidarity,
in
which
they display
themselves
as
themselves
only
more
so;
alcohol
(Saignes
1987)
serves
to
liberate
huge
discharges
of social
and
physical
energy
and
appetite.
Invocations
to
deity
are
made
in
first
person
plural?interestingly,
in
the inclusive
voice,
implying
that
the
deity
addressed
partakes
of the
condition
or
action of the
collectivity.
The role of the mediator
is
more
complex.
I
would
describe
mediating
roles
as
"slides"
along
the
continuum of
being,
in
which humans
assume
statuses
closer
to
those of the
superhuman
person
addressed.
These "slides"
often
have
an
aspect
of
transient
death,
or
transient
return
from
death:
Abstention
(sa?iyj
from
"lively"
behavior. The mildest
degree
of
distancing
from
daily
life
is
the
preparation
required
of
persons
about
to
perform
duties
to
huacas
or
recently
in
contact
with them.
Persons
returning
from
a
visit
to
the
female
power
Urpay
Huachac had
to
abstain
from
sex
and seasoned food
for
a
year
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
183),
because this huaca unlike
others
had
no
priest
and
demanded
personal
contact.
Parents
who had
to
ritual
ly
avert
the bad
consequences
of
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12
RES 33
SPRING 1998
a
twin
birth?namely,
a
death
to
make
up
for
the
anomaly
of
an
extra
life?likewise
accompanied
their sacrificial
gifts
with
a
year
of
abstention. These
were
conditions for
dialogue
with Paria
Caca.
The
common
denominator
of
ritual
abstentions
seems
to
be
avoidance of
intense
bodily
sensations.
5/eep
(po?oyj
and
dreaming (muscoyj:
The
human
sleeper,
a
person
temporarily
removed
from
daily vitality,
is
brought
into
contact
with nonhuman
beings
and
knowledge.
In
chapter
5
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
42),
Huatya
Curi,
while
sleeping
and
presumably dreaming,
learns from
two
talking
foxes
the
secret
of
the illness
that
afflicted the
fraudulent
lord
Tamta
?amca.
This
supernatural
knowledge
would
prove
the
seed
of
their
reciprocal
role
reversal.
The
crucial
example
is
chapter
21,
entirely
concerned
with
a
dream,
in
which
the
protagonist
Don
Crist?bal
Choque
Casa,
comes
into
apparent
contact
with his
deceased
(hua?uc)
father and
into
dialogue
with the huaca
whom
that
"die-er,"
that
is,
recently
dead
man,
worshiped
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
248).
Assumption
of
a
deathlike
aspect
or
wearing
dead skins:
Repeatedly,
humans
achieve
crucial
dialogue
with
superhuman
powers
by
placing
on
themselves
the
skins,
that
is,
outer
appearances,
of
dead animals
or
people.
Huatya Curi acquired the magical power to beat his
challenger
by turning
into
(tucoy)
a
dead
guanaco
and
thereby
stealing
power
from
a
rival
huaca
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
60).
The
most
dramatic
acting
of
wearing
death
is
the
donning
of the
huayo
or
flayed-face
mask,
made from
a
sacrificed
captive,
which
imbues the
wearer
with
the
power
of Uma
Pacha,
the
mythical
high
farm wherein
the
departing
anima
of the dead
were
replanted
and
regenerated
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991
:secs.
322-324,
404).
The skin of
a
dead
animal also
empowered
a
person
to
approach
the
sacred
patron
or
owner
of the
animal and
was
among
the
most
common
ritual
gestures
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds. 1991:secs.
21,
64,
150, 455-458);
it
is
still
practiced
in
at
least
one
of
Huarochiri's
communities
today.
Paria
Caca
consoled his
people
for
the loss
of
a
treasured
headdress
by
giving
them
a
wildcat
skin:
And
as
he'd
foretold,
on
Chaupi
?amca's
festival,
in
the
courtyard
called Yauri
Cal
I
nca,
on
top
of the
wall,
a
very
beautifully
spotted
wildcat
appeared.
When
they
saw
it
they
exclaimed
joyfully,
"This is
what
Paria Caca meant "
and
they
held
up
its
skin
as
they
danced
and
sang
with
it.
(Hernando
Cancho
Uillca,
who
used
to
live
in
Tumna,
was
in
charge
of it. But
by
now
it's
probably
gone
all
rotten.)
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds. 1991:
sec.
314
4:
Passage
between
states
accenting
dissimilar
ontological
statuses
are
expressed
with
tucoy
In
passages
concerning
the
assumption
of
a
magical
disguise,
as
with
Huatya
Curi
"turning
into
a
dead
guanaco,"
the
verb
employed
is
tucoy.
This
is
among
the
most
important
words
signifying
transformation.
It
may
usefully
be
contrasted
with
cay,
or
"to
be."
It
has
a
usage
as
an
auxiliary
verb
comparable
to
that of
cay,
but
emphasizing
process,
like
English "get":
ynataccho
pincay
casac,
or
"shall
I
be shamed
so?"
Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 313
and
man
carcoy
tucorcan,
or
"they
got
swept
away
into
the
jungle"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
9;
see
also
228
and
100,
an
ambiguous
instance
As
a
freestanding
verb,
tucoy
covers
processes
in
which
a
being
assumes a new
outer
aspect.
Some
of
these
could
well
be
translated
as
"become":
?a
paria
caca ru
?aman
tucuspas,
or
"Paria
Caca,
becoming
human"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds. 1991:
sec.
74
tuylla pachampitac rumi tucorcan, or "right then and there
she
turned
to
stone"
Salomon and
Urioste,
eds. 1991
:sec.
69
But
tucoy
is
more
inclusive,
covering
as
it
does the
sense
"to
feign,
pretend
to
be":
cay
cuni
raya
vira
cochas ancha
?aupa
hue
runa
ancha
huaccha
tucospalla
purircan,
or
"In
very
ancient
times
this
Cuni
Raya
Vira
Cocha
used
to
go
around
posing
as
a
miserably
poor
man"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds. 1991:sec. 9
ancha
yachac
tucospa
pissi yachascanhuan,
or
"pretending
to
be
very
wise
with
the little
that
he
knew"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds. 1991
:sec.
40
chaypim
huanaco
tucospa
hua?usca
siriconqui,
or
"there
pretending
to
be
a
guanaco
you'll
lie
dead"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds. 1991:sec. 58
These instances
show
that
the
semantic
scope
of
tucoy
includes
change
of
aspect
without
any
premise
about
whether
a
change
of
what
Gonc?lez
Holgu?n
called
"essence" is
entailed.
Because this
noncongruence
occurred
close
to
the
core
meanings
of
conversion,
which
Christianity
taught
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Salomon:
How
the
huacas
were
13
Figure
2.
Today,
inhabitants of
Tupicocha,
Huarochiri,
still don animal skins?most
importantly,
the
puma?to
perform
festival dances. This
puma
skin,
used
by
dancers
of the Sibimol
Society
in
the
Pascua
Reyes
cycle,
is reminiscent of
the
spotted
wildcat skin mentioned
in
the
Quechua
Manuscript's chapter
24.
Photo:
Frank Salomon.
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14
RES
33 SPRING 1998
people
like
the
editor/compiler
to
think of
as a
change
of
essence,
the
language
of
"becoming
Christian" is
itself
ambiguous
when it
talks
about
religious
change.
huaquin
runacunaca
christiano
tucospapas
manchaspallam
pactach
padrepas
pipas
yachahuanman
mana
alii
cascayta,
or
"some
people
becoming/feigning
to
be
Christians
[said]
'Watch
out,
the
padre might
find
out
how bad
we've
been'"
Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991
:sec.
134
Knowing
that
in
at
least
one
of
the
languages
they
used,
Andean
converts
employed
a
semantic
isolate
that
classed
together
changes
of form
regardless
of
"authenticity"
of
motive,
helps
one
understand
why
the
period
in
question
saw so
many
attacks
on
the
sincerity
of
"Indian"
Christianity. Spanish
Catholics
thought
the
Andean
powers'
way
of
influencing
native
people
was
by "lying"
(llollaycuy)
to
them,
and this
may
be
influenced
by
the
notion
that
Andean
metamorphoses
(tucoy)
were
deceptions,
the
typical
practice
of
European
demons.
Converts,
on
the other
hand,
may
have
understood
the
requirements
of
Christianity
as a
matter
of
changing
appearance
appropriately
(much
as
one
did
in
huaca
devotions)
in
order
to
partake
of
connected
ontological
accents,
rather than
a
matter
of
changing
"essence"?a
concept
perhaps
unavailable to
them. The
assertion that Andean
people
engage
in
a
"double"
religious
life has been
a
longstanding
one;
it is
still
prevalent
in
middlebrow media
representations
of
Andean
Christianity
as
a
"veneer"
hiding
an
authentic
"core" of
Amerindian culture. This
representation,
with
its
subtextual
imputation
of intentional
deception,
arises
from
(among
other
things)
a
failure
to
grasp
local
notions
about
appearance
and
reality.
It
is
perhaps
the
saddest
of
many
misunderstandings?because
it
is the
most
damaging?that
went
into
the
making
of
colonial
relations between
the Church and
rural
society.
This
exegesis
illustrates
why,
within the
sphere
of the
huacas, one made transits toward beings of more
durable
standing
by
taking
on
a
second
skin,
an
appearance,
closer
to
their
standing
as
durable,
dry,
"dead"
beings.
One
might
communicate
across
diverse
states
of
being
by
process
of
tucoy,
changing
outer
appearance,
for
example, by
costuming
oneself
as a
huaca's
animal
to
commune
with
it
or
by
putting
on
the
flayed
face of
a
dead
man
to
communicate with the
place
of
the dead.
From
the
huaca devotees'
point
of
view,
in
which the
"ontological
categories"
appear
as
attributes
or
evidences of
single beings
in
different
instances
of
their
existences,
no
such
problem
arose.
The human who
"becomes/pretends
to
be"
a
dead
guanaco
is
not
substituting
an
unreal
for
a
real
identity
because his
humanity
is
not
imputed
to
him
as
an
unchanging
essence
in
the
first
place.
5:
The
hierarchy
of
durability
versus
transience
often
represents
received ideas about social
rank
Up
to
this
point
the
argument
has
concentrated
on
the emic
viewpoint,
sketching
implicit
ideas
expressed
in
ritual and
myth.
But
these
beliefs,
of
course,
expressed
an
orientation toward
a
particular
observed
social
system
as
itsmembers understood
it.
(The
oral
authors of the
stories,
and the
Quechua
compiler/editor
themselves had different
viewpoints
about this
system,
the latter
being
apparently
a
strong
Christian
convert
alienated
from
the
world
view
of the
tellers.)
In
discourse that
refers
to
the
upper
brackets
of
social/superhuman/cosmological hierarchy,
the
salience
of the
category
"set"
(as
opposed
to
"thing,"
"person")
is
high.
Ancestor-focused
imagery,
which
places
durable
beings
at
apical
positions
in
the natural-social
world,
expresses
an
ideology
that reifies the real-life
processes
of
social
reproduction
into
segmented
kinship
corporations.
A
common
example
of this
is
the
usage
of
inca
or
sapa
inca
to
identify
the
person
who
stands
highest
in
the
set
containing
all incacuna
(persons
affiliated
to
Inka descent
groups).
In
effect the
eponymous
use
of the
term
Inca
as
the
name
of
a
supreme
god-king
denotes the
entire "set"
of Inkas. The
same
structure
is
pervasive
at
lower
levels,
for
example,
in
the
various
Huarochiri
instances
where the firstborn
of
a
sib bears
a
name
that
is
also
that of the
sib,
so
that
his
name
is
the
name
of
a
category.
When
the tellers
assigned
Paria
Caca
supremacy
among the deified mountains, and attributed to him a
fivefold
essence
manifested
through
five
heroic
anthropomorphic
selves
and their
respective
"children,"
each "child"
being
the ancestor-hero of
a
major
branch
of the dominant
population,
the tellers
appear
to
have
been
recognizing
and
explaining
a
taxonomic
likeness
(perhaps
of
language
as
well
as
cultic
practice)
among
disparate
and
politically
separate,
but
mutually
known
and
sometimes
allied
invading populations.
(Of
course
in
doing
so,
they
may
have been
appropriating
a
Paria
Caca cult older and
more
multiethnic
than
the
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Salomon:
How
the huacas
were
15
manuscript
allows;
Guarnan Poma 1980
[1615]:113,
185, 264, 268,
269,
329, 335, 884,
915).
These
apical
beings
themselves,
including
Paria Caca
once
he
"ascended"
to
expel
older
deities,
existed
in
the form of
completely
hardened
and durable
geological
matter?
social
practices
"reified"
in
the
strictest
sense.
Beings embodying
medial and lower nodes of
segmentation
are
imagined
as
former
humans
or
humanlike,
typically
"hardened"
by
mummification
and
enshrinement,
Tutay
Quiri
of the
Checa
being
the
most
elaborated
example,
and
?an
Sapa
apparently
another
such. The historical
origins
of mallkis taken to
embody
the heads of medial
taxa
are
unknown.
But
to
allow for
their
relative exaltation
thousands
of
other
bodies
must
have
received relative
neglect.
The
passion
for
protecting
important
mummified
"mothers" and "fathers" of
corporate
collectivities
(which
so
fascinated
the
"extirpators
of
idolatry")
was a
part
of
political symbolic
process,
in
which kurakas attributed
to ancestors
of
leading
(putatively
senior)
descent
lines
whatever
prosperity
the
community
achieved and voiced the
community's
needs
to
them. We know
from
extirpation
inquiries
into
the funerals of Huarochiri
lords who died
in
the
era
of the
manuscript
that
the
aggrandizement
of
political
leaders to
primacy
among
ancestors continued
after
Spanish
conquest
(Salomon
1995,
Marzal
1988,
Saignes
1998).
The
passage
to
durable
being
was
accordingly
distributed
unequally
though
society
in
favor
of
persons
through
whom
the interests
of
kinship
corporations
were
effectively
transmitted.
And
the
landscape
over
which
ancestor
shrines, huacas,
and deified land features
were
spread
could be taken
as an
integrally
naturalized
map
of
social
hierarchy,
so
that
one
lived enclosed
by
an
all
encompassing correspondence
structure
across
ontological
levels.
The
idiom
of
ancestor
cult,
as
opposed
to
that
of
apical deities, did concretize taxa in focalized persons,
but their
names never
stood for
whole
sets
as
do the
highest
names.
Rather their
ontological
accent
seems
to
fall
on
the
category
"relation."
They
were
like
milestones
for
measuring
the
spaces
of relatedness.
A
milestone
is
a
thing,
but
a
thing
whose
significance
is to
express
the
relation
between
it
and other
points
in
space,
and the
relation called "mile" has
no
meaning
except
the
space
between
such
points.
So
major
ancestors
became
not
just
markers
of
relation but
were
accented
to
relational
concepts
of
genealogy
and
political
affiliation.
6:
Notwithstanding
this
schema,
mythology centrally
includes
a
trickster
principle,
which
upsets
and
relativizes
hierarchies of
being
One of
the
most
interesting
properties
of the
manuscript
is that
although
it
idealizes
a
priestly
order,
it
also
contains,
as
Fioravanti-Molini?
(1987)
has
shown,
a
principle
relativizing
that
order,
namely
the
principle
of
the
trickster-demiurge.
His
name
in
the
Huarochiri
source
isCuni
Raya
Vira
Cocha.
Half of
his name?Cuni
Raya?is,
as
Rostworowski
(1989) ascertained,
the
name
of
a
far-flung
coastal
deity
associated with the
transformation of
landforms
by
water.
In
the
desiccated Andean
landscape,
water
signifies
two
things:
longed-for fertility
(via
rain
or
irrigation)
and
dreaded
danger
(because
rain
often
takes the form of
devastating
earthslides and flash
floods).
Thus
the
mythic
persona
of
water
tends
to
be
a
life-giving
but
tricky,
uncontrollable,
and
dangerous
one.
In
the Huarochiri
manuscript,
Cuni
Raya's
tricks
generally
take the form
of
seduction
or
sexual
provocation
by
magical
means,
resulting
in
unwanted
pregnancy
(Ch.
2)
or
elopement
(Ch.
31),
that
is,
unpredictable
and
irregular
unions that
produce fertility
but do
so
in
ways
that
upset
the
normal
social
and
productive arrangements?as
water
does
when
it
gets
out
of
control.
The
compiler,
like
many
Europeans,
was
influenced
by
the
misleading
but
already
popularized
equation
between
Vira
Cocha and the
God of
contemporary
Catholicism.
Cuni
Raya's
ability
to
create
whole
landscapes by
fiat?probably
an
allusion
to
the
way
water
can
transform land
dramatically?led
the
compiler
to
think
of Cuni
Raya
as a
creator
deity,
like
Dios,
the
Christians'
God.
He
was
therefore
puzzled
by
his
inability
to
verify
from
oral
testimony
that
Cuni
Raya
had
the
expected
divine attribute of
priority
to
all other
superhumans
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
7,
189,
ch.
15).
Cuni
Raya
Vira Cocha is
the
exception
to
every
rule
about
huacas.
Although
at
one
point
he
(like
most
huacas)
is
said
to
have
lithified
in
a
determinate
place
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
90),
a
transformation that
usually
marks the
passage
from
humanlike action
to
permanence,
he
is
present
at
all
ages
and
places, popping
up
in
primordial, mythic,
legendary,
and Inka
times.
The invasion
of the
Spaniards
in
chapter
14
is
explained
as
yet
another
of his
tricks.
In
all his
interventions,
he
brings people
to act
by
their
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16
RES
33
SPRING
1998
normal
desires and
expectations,
yet
in
such
a
way
as
to
bring
about
disruptive
and
transformative
results.
Many
of these
actions include
his
"becoming/feigning"
beguiling
appearances
of various
kinds.
On
one
level,
one
might
guess
that
Cuni
Raya
personifies
the
paradoxes
inherent
in
irrigation
technology;
the "normal" control of
water
brings
into
the
landscape
the
very
force that
frequently
breaks
through
and
reshapes things
catastrophically.
On
a
more
general
level,
one
could
think of
him
as
the
anW-huaca,
the
joker
in
the
deck,
who made
it
possible
for the
huaca
outlook
to
include
a
deep appreciation
of
mutability
and the
unpredictable.
Cuni
Raya
seems
to
occupy
a
category
all
by
himself.
In
the
terminology
of
Aristotelian
ontology,
the
"thing"
he
points
toward
is
a
permanent
"state
of affairs."
This vivid
deity personifies
the
fragility
of all
structures
and
categories
and focalizes
paradox,
even
humor.
The
Andean
person
struggling
to
learn
appealed
to
his
evasive wit
as
to
the
source
of
amauta
cay,
which
is sometimes
glossed
"wisdom" but
strongly
implies
"discernment"
(Gonc?lez
Holgu?n
1952
[1608]:148).
In
Huarochiri,
weavers
appealed
to
the
trickster-demiurge
before
trying
to
warp
a
complex
design:
"Help
me
work it
out,
Cuni
Raya
Vira
Cocha"
(Salomon
and
Urioste,
eds.
1991:sec.
8).
If
the
Huarochiri
manuscript
suggests
a
concept
of
wisdom,
it
is the
deep
appreciation
of the
attribute
of
being
that
Cuni
Raya,
stood
for.
To
sum
up:
the
Huarochiri
manuscript's
tellers
seem
to
have been habituated
not to
analytically separated
portions
of
reality?ontological
categories
like those
outlined
at
the
start
of this
essay?but
to
a
web of
socioritual
connections with
persons
who
each
in
their
complexity
embodied
and
familiarized
the
multiple
attributes
of
"being."
Reasoning
about
such
problems
as
the relations
between
a
set
(for
example,
a
corporate
kin
group),
which "exists"
in
one
sense,
and
those of
persons,
who "exist" in
another,
is not abstracted but
expressed
in
the interaction
of
beings
who
accentuate
different
kinds of existence.
Routine
problems
about
entities such
as
taxa, events,
and
persons
were
then
processed
unselfconsciously through
the
idiom of
huacas.
What theWest
troublingly
experienced
as
the
fundamental
incommensurability
of
experienced
reality's
parts?and
the need
for
a
metaphysical ground
on
which
to
place
them
together?found
expression
in
these
myths
as
disparity
but
also
connectedness
among
clusters
of
meaning
personified
as
superhuman beings
but
not
limited
to
superhumanity
in
their manifestations.
The coherence of
cosmos
was,
then,
asserted
not
by
a
unifying theory,
but
by
social
mediation
on
the
part
of
its
inhabitants.
They
were
the
ones
who
brought
all
sorts
of
beings
into
relationship.
It
was
ritual that
held
things
together.
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