8.2 From Durkheimian Managua

8/13/2019 8.2 From Durkheimian Managua

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Durkheimiancultural studiesEdited by Jeffrey C AlexanderUniversity o Califamia Los Angeles

C MBRIDGEUNIV RSITY PR SS


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From Durkheim to Managua

From Durkheim to Managuarevolutions as religious revivalsdwavd A . T i r y a k i a n

Although an infrequent class of social phenomena, revolutions have beenof great interest to students of political m odernity an d social change. Th egeneral breakdown of a social regime and the attem pted establishment inits wake of a ne w social order, al1 this taking place within a compact timeframe, continue to be an intriguing topic of historical and sociological re-search (Goldstone 1980, 1982; Taylor 1984; Zimm erm ann 1983).Th e low incidence but high interest in revolutions at the macro levelbears resemblance to the low incidence but high sociological interest insuicides at the micro level. Needless to say, it is Durkheim who veryboldly placed suicide (more correctly, suicide rates) in the sociological con-sciousness not only by demonstrating that it can be analyzed as a socialphenomenon but also that so me aspects ofi t are an ingress to core featuresof modernity. If this seemingly irrational act can be shown to havesocially conditione d patterns, then is it not less plausible to seek a socio-logical accounting of a collective act revolution an accounting thatwould bring to light underlying patterns operative in histoncal revolutions?While various paths and models have been used to make sense of revol-utions (particularly drawing from M arx and W eber), one source that hasnot been com mo n currency is Durkhei m, perhaps because of his image asa founder of iunctionalism, with its conservative connotation. 'would like in approaching contemp orary revolutions to give his dueto the author of Th e Elementary Forms oft he Religious Life;this is of courserecognized as a sociological classic that c ontinues as a leaven (Jones 1977;Tiryakian 1981), but it has not been th ought of in the context o f politicalsociology. As the title of the present chapter suggests, it will be the pur-pose here to treat one m anifestation of revolutions that has remained out-side the gaze of sociological scrutiny: nam ely, revo lutions as religiousrev iva k2 Although Du rkheim himself does not offer a theory of revol-

utions, Th e Elementary Forms not only contains elements of a cyclic theoryof societal renew al but also clearly makes use o f the historical instance of amajor social revolution, the French, to sugg est thc possibility of modernsocietal renovation.Draw ing from his analysis, this chapter will examine social revolutionsas carryin g ou t at various levels what m ay be viewed as aspects of the pro-cess of dediflerentiation the obverse of the m ore familiar master process ofdgerentiation (Luhmann 1982). If Durkheim in Th e Elementary Formsplaces the religious life whic h he also saw as the serious side of thehuman condition as the hub of society, so shall we view the religioussector as intrinsically involved in revolutionary movemen ts. T he processof dedifferentiation (Tirya kian 1985) at the societal level involves a trans-formation of consciousness, one in which the relatively distinct indi-vidual consciousness of everyday life becomes sentient with others in acommon situation and in a common enterprise; this transformation ischaracterized by a high level of energy, for the individual and for theaggregate. It is a process in which the profane becornes transformed into asacred context (the transvaluation of mundane values) quite theobver se of the secularization process that has preoccupied so mu ch of thesociology of religion and its image of modernization.It may be that the above remarks will evoke the impression that ratherthan revolution w e are presenting a jaded if not dated discussion of thecount ercultu re*' and altered states of consciousness associated withthe drug culture. Assuredly not, although the transformation o i socialconsciousness does link theoretically the counterculture and revol-utions ; the empirical referents for this chapt er postdate the countercul-ture m ovem ent o f the 1960s and early 1970s.Th e end of the 1970s and the beginning of the present decade witnessedmajor global shock w aves: the oil crisis of 1979, double-digit inflation inindustrial countries, a severe debt crisis in Third World countries, and, ofstill gro win g significanc e, the rise of East Asia (and particularly Japan ) asa new economic center of industrial productivity successfully challengingthe established Western center (T suru mi 1984). Politically, a major globaltrend of the past ten years seemed to be a conservative swing in Westerndemocracies, with a few exceptions where social democratic parties pre-vailed (e.g. France, Spain, Greece).O n the whole, the recent .sharp economic constriction seemed to entailor g o with greater political prudence, unlike the 193os, or, for thatmatter, unlike the 1960s when the cornucopia ofeco nom ic abundance andunlimited growth seemcd to foster political radicalization. There is a setof anomalies to this conservative sw ing, the set which constitutes thcempirical basis for our theoretical reflection. The set is comprised o f three


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Social changc and sacralixation From urkheim to Managuanation-states which underwent social revolutions between 1979 and 198 ,and in which the religious factor has been central not in mystifying therevolution, as a Marxist perspective might have it, but in catalyzing therevolutionary movement. The three are Iran, Nicaragua, and Poland.Each revolution is, of course, the fruit of a specific socio-historical trajec-tory and each revolution has features distinct to its particular ~o n t e x t . ~Yet it is their world-significant import and their common denominatorswhich are sociologically intriguing.The Iranian Revolution, which toppled the imperial regime early in1979, sought not only to trans forma Westernizing bourgeois yet authori-tarian regime into a theocratic Islamic Republic, but also to export thisproject throughout the Islamic world, thereby sending shock wavesthroughout the Middle East (Ramazani 1986). The Polish Revolution,uneasily contained since December 1981, was revolutionary at two levelsat least during its peak 1980-1 period. Internally, this was the first instancewithin a communist country of state-recognized institutions whose exist-nt and autonomy were outside the monolithic power structure of thestate and its party. This had been the basis of the socialist revolution laiddown by Lenin; the workers' challenge of state authority in the Solidaritymovement was thus a revolution within the socialist revolution. Exter-nally, just as Iran threatened a domino effect for the Middle East (at least,for Sunni andlor conservative regimes), so did Poland and its Solidaritymovement threaten a crack in Russian hegemony throughout EasternEurope: Solidarity's appeal to the workers in other satellite countries andthe appeal of nationalism constituted a potential spark in a tinder box. Asto Nicaragua, the Sandinista Revolution was a demonstration that urbanand rural populations could unite into an effective opposition movemen'tthat could neutralize a militarily superior regime n this respect, a situ-

ation very similiar to that of Iran. But, equally significant, the SandinistaRevolution contained a model o f socio-economic transformation and de-velopment that clearly challenged the typical dependency relation ofCentral America's export economies VI S-d-vis the United States. Just asthe Soviet Union applied every pressure, including military shows ofstrength on the Polish border, so has the Reagan administration donenearly everything t o destabilize economically and otherwise the Sandin-ista government,-so as to prevent a domino effect in the region.The future of these contemporary revolutions is hard to discem, par-ticularly because of their respective external environments. Polishnationalism and the democratization of the regime are severely constrainedby Russia looking askance upon any threat to its security system(especially with Polish windows to the .West, including a Polish popewho has entered into cordial diplomatic ties with the United States).

Nicaraguan nationalism, seeking internal social reforms and externalautonomy from American hegemony, has become the bete noire parexcellence of the Reagan administration, the latter extending rather thaninnovating a traditional American interventionist policy in CentralAmerica. Iran has been deadlocked in a war with Iraq, but if that shouldcease tomorrow, Khomeini's Iran would remain as much of a sore spot inthe Gulf region as was Mossadeq's Iran in the 1950s.Exogenous forces are operating to untrack the projects of these threerevolutions, and it is perhaps more likely than not that before the end ofthe century the respective revolutionary movements will remain only incollective memories rather than having become institutionalized in new,long-term social arrangements and societal reorganization. After all, ifwe look at the totality of historical revolutions, and not just at our threecontemporary instances, weight must be given to Orwell's sober obser-vation, Al1 revolutions are failure, but they are not al1 the same failure(quoted in Ash 1984:275).Perhaps revolutionary movements are failures in the same sense ascharismatic movements fail in carrying out the total transformation of theworld contained in the promise of ch ar i~ ma .~et, revolutionary move-ments are also successes, for their inception and early phases punctuatethe historical process with new beginnings, with the possibility of newbases of societal organization and res tru ~tu rat ion .~gain, let me invokeDurkheim, the seeming conservative sociologist, who in the Conclusionof Th e Elementary Forms anticipates for modern society hours of creativeeffervescence, in the course of which new ideas and new formulae arefound which serve for a while as a guide to humanity (p. 475). Andwhere does he look in retrospect for this inspiration? At the French Revol-ution and the civil religion which it promulgated but could not success-fully institutionalize:the French Revolution established a whole cycle ofholidays to keep the principieswith which it was inspired in a state of perpetua1 youth. If this institution quicklyfe away, it was because the revolutionary faith lasted but a moment . Butthough the work may have miscarried. it enables us to imagine what might havehappened in other conditions; and everything leads us to believe that it will betaken u p again sooner or later. p. 476)The societal transformations sought in the initial projects of the revol-utionary movements in Iran, Poland and Nicaragua, those that receivedpopular enthusiasm, may well falter and abort from internal and externalfactors. But that they were launched and that the religious factor played acentral role in the launching have become irrevocably part of the contem-porary scene and cannot be expunged from the world historical setting or


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Social change and sacralization rom Durkheim to Marlaguadropped in an Orwellian mem ory hole. If one takes into account thateach occurred in a highly repressive regime that was either eventuallytoppled (Nicaragua and Iran) or forced to make previously unheard ofconcessions (Poland), then the actualization of the movements must alsoqualify as impor tant historical moments that merit empirical and theor-etical attention. In the context in which they have taken place, each rep-resents a project of modern ity, a radical alternative to being doom ed toperipheral status as a client state of alien powers. Should the respectiveproject not succeed, for wh atever reasons, we can still affirm for the con-tempo rary revolutions Durkheim 's obse rvation about the French Revol-ution : But this experim ent, tho ugh short-lived, keeps al1 its sociologicalinterest (p. 245).

T o d r a w u p o n Th e Elementary Forms as the theoretical mainspring for in-terpreting contemporary revolutionary movements may seem like a far-fetched excursus into the sociological classics. After all, this is a workwhich is not only a fountainhead of modern functionalism but also asecondary analysis of ethnographic data pertaining to structures of primi-tive society. Yet, as already mentioned, the wo rk contains severa1 preg-nant references to the French R evolution. D urkhe im explicitly uses thathistorical happening, not o nly to illustrate the applicability o f his theoryof the genesis o f the sacred as being at the heart of social renewa16 but alsoto anticipate as one scenario of the future o f modernity a religious effer-vescence that would provide a new set of guiding principles for thesociety of tomorrow.' T o see its bearing for an understanding of contem-porary revolutions and to see what valid ation these may offer Durk -heim's analysis will be the purpose o f the following reconsideration ofaspects of Th e Elementary Forms.Abstracting from the abundance of ethnographic materials craftedtogether by Durkheim into a unified sociological collage, the startingpoint o f his analysis of the social order is his well-known dualism ofthings sacred and things profane: sacred and profane objects, sacred andprofane activities, and , m ore generally, the sacred and profane worlds. Inthe normal setting of the social world , each has its ow n delimitedsphere: it is in their confrontation, so to speak, that the drama of the socialworld ocietal regeneration akes place. Mo st sociologists of religionhave implicitly considered the drama to be the intrusion o f the profane inthe sphere oft he sacred: the enlargement of the sphere of the profane at theexpense of the sacred is one major meaning of ~ec ular izat ion. ~ urk-heim's analysis, how ever, provides us with a complementary aspect: the

enlargement, in extraordina ry settings, of the sacred sphere, what ma y bei termed the sacralization of aspects of the profane.In his doctoral dissertation, Th e Division of Labor in Society Durkheimhad placed the world of work and its occupational structure as the keynode of society. The socio-economic sphere in The Elementary Forms isthat of the profane world par excellence (p. 346), but its image in this laterwork is considerably downgraded. The economic sphere fractionatesindividuals from each other into a social life which is uniform, languish-ing, and dull (p. 246), and too great slavishness of daily work (p. 426)leads to mental fatigue which requires recreation from other sources.What also needs renewal from sources outside the everyday world is thercnewal of non-kin social solidarity.Recall that thc sphere o f the sacred for D urkheim is the one in which thercligious life takes place: it is generated and regenerated by great col-lective gatherings which provide actors with the direct consciousness ofbelonging to and participating in something greater than individual lives.Let me draw attention to a related point Durkheim makes which isappropriate for an understanding of the onset of revolutionary move-ments. In book 11 chapter 7 Durkh eim talks about the increased energyand thc increasc in force which individuals feel when they assembletogether. He makes clear (pp. 24off.) that this effervescence leading tothis excepcional increase of force (p. 241) is not limited to primitivesociety; it is also characteristic of revol ution ary or creative epochs (p.241). And much later in his analysis, Durkheim, in discussing the genesisof the philosophical notion of causality, will reiterate the importance o fthe grou p assembling in giving rise to the consciousness o f p o w e r whichstems from the mora l forces of the collectivity (pp. 408ff.). Durk heim'ssociological analysis echoes the French adage, l'union fait la force : theact of coming together, of uniting in collective assemblies, generatessocietal consciousness for the actor and in doing so provides him withexultation and a feeling of force or energy w hich, o n an aggregate basis,conveys a sense of power. T he pow er to d o things, and, in certain circum-stances, to transform (or re-form) the social order.Ho w does this relate to an understanding of revolutions? A revolution-ary mov emen t entails the sustained interaction of large numbers of per-sons; it entails the comin g together and welding of various social fractionsinto a larger w hole having consciousness of itself in a collective purpose.Th e social space and social time of th e everyday world is transformed intoan extraordinary setting which will become the axis mundi to borrowf ro m Eliade ( ~ g ~ g ) ,f the renovated social order. It is important t o bear inmind that revolutionary movements unite actors against an ongoing socialorder; the power or collective force which the actors feel in uniting is es-


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Social change and sacralizaiion From urkheim to Managuasential if there is any chance that collective behavior ma y succeed in over-coming an established social order that commands important economicand military resources. T he power tha t a revolutionary mov ementgenerates. s, ultimately, an enthusiastic conviction that the overt hrow o fthe established social order is morally rig ht and just. Since Durkheim'sanalysis is in the contex t of rituals, it takes us only part of the wa y in look-ing at contemp orary revolutions, which intend t o alter drastically ratherthan reafirm and renovate, the present order.I0Just w hat is revived? For Charles Grandison Finney, the great exponent,theoretician an d practician of religious revivals in the Age ofJackson, a re-vival, which requires the excitement o f protracted meetings, seeks ulti-mately t o rekindle the desire of self to be united with G od.The s tate of the wo rld is still such, and p robably will be ti11 the millennium is fullycome, that religion must be mainly promoted by these excitements. How longand how often has the experiment been tried, to bring the church to act steadilyfor God, without these periodical excitements. (Finney rg60:10)A reviva1 brings them to such vantage grou nd that they get a fresh impulsctowards heaven. They have a new for etaste of heaven, and new d esires after unionto God; and the charm of the world is broken. (Ibid.:16)Durkheim's analysis provides a sociologistic translation of the above.Instead of solidarity with God needing renewal, it is solidarity withsociety which has to be periodically revived, and this consciousness orsentiment comes about in assemblies (Durkheim, p. 391)~ ust as forFinney. For Durkheim, in fact, al1 organiz ed gro ups ( political, econ-om ic or confessional ) need to have periodical reunion s (p. 240) lest com-mitm ent to t he gr oup fa11 into desuetude.Where Durkh eim uses society, 1 would propose that technically it isbetter to follow Talcott Parsons and use societal community or, as henotes in the case of mod ern society, nation, to designatethe collective structure in which members are united, or, in some sense, associ-ated. Its most important property is the kind and leve1 of solidarity which charac-terizes the relations between its members. (Parsons 1968:461)Sociological analysis of nation has been underdeveloped despite im-portant early conceptualizations b y W eber and Mau ss, respectively (Tiry-akian and Nevitte 1985), with the tendency until recently to acceptuncritically the coupling of nation with the uridical and organizationalstate. Th e nation should be seen as a political and cultural total socialphenom enon (in Mauss' expression), having intersubjective and objec-tive features which taken together provide a matrix for social identity

(one's nationality) and for differentiated social institutions that are in turnconstituted by differentiated role-sets.In the everyday, profane world, consciousness of belonging to thenation is subordin ated to belonging to and participating in more dif-ferentiated structures. Actors occupy different positions in social space,with impo rtant differentials of powe r and resources that characterize thesocial stratification system. It is in extraordinar y settings - ypically, set-tings of crisis (such as wars, the holding overseas of hostages, and so on)that these differentials are suspended if not eliminated and that conscious-ness of comm on member ship in a single nation emerges to the fore asthe basic structure undc rlying public intersubjectivity. It is particularly inthe modern period of the pase tw o centuries that nation has becomesalient as the societal commun ity, and revolutionary mo vement s as wellas nationalistic movements have used it tacitly or explicitly for the pur-pose of social mobilization. Nation is mor e than secular groupin g; ithas tended to becom e a surrogate for the deity, with In the name of thenation, or In the name of national unity replacing In the name ofGod as a cal1 for collective action and sacrifice.T o extend the Parsonian conceptualization, revolutions and revivalsmay be viewed as representing cycles of affective activity in contradis-tinction to cycles of instrumental-adaptive activity.12 Th e latter entailsprocesses of differentiation, the former of dedifferentiation (Parsons,Bales and Shils 1953:167). The religious reviva1 which concerned Finneyso much is also central in Perr y Miller's brilliant analysis of the formatio nof the American national character: Miller saw in the evangelical fervor(of the 1830s) the primary force in maintaining 'the grand unity ofnational strength' (Miller 196535). Miller emphasizes the significanceof the great awakening in reviving consciousness of belonging to thcsame American polity. of having com mon values and a shared purpose.This is pertinent to the notion of dedifferentiation because the settingfor the reviva1 (typically in the American case, the campsite or outd oortent meeting) placed participants on the same social plane, emphasizingthe social equali ty betwee n actors. A religious reviva1 and a genui nesocial revolution tend to devalue if not abolish social rankings, and thistypically occurs in settings of high affectivity of enthusiasm. With thedissolution of the structures and strictures of the everyday, profane wor ld(its destructuration), there emerges the discovery of the societal com-munity as the fountainhead o f the social body.In terms of the Parsonian A-GI-L four-function schema of actionsystems, dedifferentiation would suggest a phase mov ement of actionfrom differentiated, institutional structures to the mor e primitive L cellof the religious-expressive sphere. T he process of dedifferentiation seems


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Social charige atrd sacralizaiior r From urkheim to Mn~ra~qu ain general to be at tended by a high leve1 of energy re le a~ e , ' ~nd onccunderway, it tends to accelcrate.This combination can oftcn take pathological forms which rnayparalyze the living system involve d: cancer in biological system s, antino-mianism in (some) movements of religious enthusiasm, anarchism or

mob rule in som e collective uprisings. Religious systems seem to bcaware of consequences o f the profane co ming into contact with the sacred(which is, to be sure, the ultimate goal of religious activity) by setting upcareful, institutionalizcd procedures (rituals) which regulate the nature ofthe interaction. Political systems also seek differentiated means (such asthe divisions of g overnment) to regulate o r control the access to politicalpower. Revolutionary movements, however, sweep aside the rituals orinstitutional proccdures (whic h rnay have been swep t aside by the prevail-ing regime) and this rnay be attended by great violence gainst others inthe case of social revolutions, o r against the self in som e religious mov e-ments of enthusiasm. While this aspect of dediffercntiation rnay wellappear nox ious, it is also nccessary to bear in mind that historical collec-tivc beginnings of religious as well as political collectivities mo re fre-quently than not are marked by violence.It is no w time to take up a discussion of the revolutions in our co ntcm-porary setting which represent attempted new beginnings for thrcenations, new endeavors at social mobilization to include actors who wercexcluded by the respective regime from active participation. On e rnay saythat in the cascs of Iran, Poland and Nicaragua, state had become phc-nomeno logically differentiated fro m, and in fact pitted against, nation ;the religious factor was important in launching the process of dedifferen-tiation as a process o f societal renew al.

The prcvious discussion has developed the twofold argument thatmodern religious rcvivals and revolutionary movements in their inccp-tion are processes o f dedifferentiation and that their political significancclies in delegitimating the present social order and uniting against itsocially heterogeneous and scattered actors. T he essential dynam ics ofthis transformation of the everyday social world into the rcalm of thesacred is contained in The Eleinentary Forms.Extcnding the argumcnt, the nexus betwecn religion and polity,including betwcen religious and political movements, can be viewed asintrinsic not only to previous historical periods but also to the setting ofmodcrn socicty (Merkl and S mart 1983). Th e etymolog y of religion re-/(?are, to bind back or bind togcther) suggcsts that societal bonds arc

grounded in the realm of the sacred. Nation as the modern societalcomm unity partakes o f the sacred in providing the basic political bondsof societal actors. Restoring or redeeming the nation fro m bondage (fromwhat is perceived as alien rule), restoring or providing the nation withautonomy, are primary endeavors of the revolut ionary movement . T othe extent that revolutionary mov ements take place in conjunction withan ongoin g church or religious institution which has historical l inkagewith the nation as its comm on religion, that is, the religion of the greatmajority of the people, then that religious institution rnay well play animp orta nt catalytic role in the national awakening and conseque nt pol-itical mobilization. T his seems strikingly illustrated by the contemp oraryrevolutions in Iran, Nicaragua and Poland.It is not part of my argum ent that if revolutions have occurred in thesethree countries it is because o f religious causes that were not present inearlier historical social revolutions. Fischer's observation on the IranianRevolution here seems appropriate for al1 three countries:The causes of the revolution, and its timing, were economic and political; theform of the revolution, and its pacing, owed much to the tradition o religiousprotest. (Fischer 1980:190)In each instance, the ycars preceding the revolution were marked bysharply deteriorating economic conditions for the masses, and by thcruling elites using widespread cultural and physical repression angingfrom media censorship to the brutal use oft he National Guard by Som ozaand SAVA K by the Shah. In each case, the regime faced growing oppo -sition from the religious sector, which underwent radicalization andwhich became in the 1970s the one area having a certain degree o f auton-om y f rom the centralizing and totalitarian tendencies of the regime.In Iran the secularizing, Westernizing orientation of the Shah as muchas his pro-American policies (for example, violating the Arab oilemba rgo in the wake of the Yom K ippur War) generated increasing oppo-sition from the country's Shi'ite religious leaders, such as the ayatallahsShari'at-Madari, Ma hmu d Taleqani and Ruhallah Khomeini, the latterhaving been forced in to exile in 1964 until his drama tic return in 1979. Inbetween, various clandestine movemen ts had spr ung up, including secu-lar leftist factions, but the ones with greatest popular appeal were thosewhich interpreted the situation in terms of widely understood Islamicsymbolism a nd tradition. Effective opposition to the Pahlavi regime wasprovided by the w riting s of such intellectuals as Jalal Al-i Ah mad and AliShari'ati, w ho redefined an auton om ous Iranian cultural identity liber-ated from the disease of Wes toxication.' Along with this, the writingsof Khomeini (particularly Islamic Government) were widely distributed,


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Social change and sacralixationread and heard on smuggle d cassettes by a growin g number of religiousstudents. Shi ' ism and its Holy City o f Qo m thus became important leversagainst official society. As Harney points ou t in his review o f Bakhash.Khomeini had never been a forgotten exile in Iraq. Religious leaders within Iranhad kept in touch with him over the years and in this way a network had beencreated which in effect amounted to a parallel society and authority within Iran.(Harney 1985:65)In Nicaragua. the com bina tion o f Vatican 11, the rise of liberatio n the-ology, and the Latin American Bishops' Conference at Medellin (Colom-bia) in 1968 set the stage for a dramatic reorientation in the 1970s of theCatholic Chu rch, a traditional basis of regime support in Latin America.This entailed withdrawal of regime support by the primate of the Churc h(Archbishop Oba ndo) , particularly following the earthquake o f 1972 inprotest at the appropriation by Som oza of international relief. Through -out the 1g70s, an increasing numbe r of the clergy Catholic and Prot-estant Evangelical urn ed socially and politically active in organ izing

base communities for the rural and urban poor, in staging protests inand out of churches, and even became participants in the oppositionundergro und mo vemen t that had developed in the 1960s, the FSLN (San-dina National Liberation Front).By late 1972 church people were i nvolve d in the initial stages of the anti-Somozastruggl e there were significant contacts between the FSLN and some peoplein the church. The clergy and the hierarchy had been involved in conflictive situ-ations, particularly in protest over human-rights abuses, and the hierarchy hadtaken some steps to move from its traditional posture of legitimation.(Berryman 1984:64)In many areas. the churches came to be the only source of refuge. By providingrefuge, the churches came under at tack, and so became a foca1 point of popular re-sistance So, in the insurre ction the weigh t of the institutio nal Church wasperceived in the popular imagination as anti-regime. Meanwhile, much of theEvangelical leadership within the country openly embraced the FSLN as thelegitimate representative of the Nicaraguan people. (Dodson and Montg omery1982:163)As to Poland, the Catho lic Church was associated with national identityfor centuries, and, particularly after Poland's partition, had developed adouble sense of mission: not only the strictly religious mission of thekeeper of the faith until Christ's return, but also keeper of the nationalheritage until the return of an auton omous and integral Poland. Even afterthe communist take-over, the Church had deep roots and profoundappeal in the rural areas as well as the newer industrial areas. For this

From urkheim lo Managuareason, a certain modus vivendi was established in the post-Stalin years be-tween the regime and the Church headed by Cardinal Wyszynski, withthe Chu rch havin g a de facto recognition, which perm itted it to criticizeopenly aspects of the regime which the Church saw as abuses of the Polishpeople. It was thus an exceptional lever within the communist bloc ofcountries:Even for those [intellig entsia] who were by no means religious, the Churc hoffered the only opportunity of openly expressing their disapproval of theGovernment by attending Sunday mass. The Church pulpit became a uniquesource of the uncensored word, of a voice eminently concerned for the materialand non-material well-being of the people of Poland. (Szajkowski 1983:3)1 have used the past tense, but the situation still prevails in Poland today,since the Solidarity Revolution of 1980-1 ended in defeat (or stalemate?),leaving the Chu rch toda y in a situation similar to the pre-1979 setting.Thu s, Ad am M ichnik, a forem ost intellectual dissident liberated fromprison in 1984. commente d a bout the present Polish situation:

saw churches that served as oases of spiritual independence and provided homefor centers of aid to the victims of repression the Catholic Church is the onlyinstitutio n in Poland that is simultaneo usly legal and authentic. inde penden t ofthe totalitarian power structure and fully accepted by the people. The pope is forthe Poles the greatest teacher of human values and obligations. (Michnik198~44-6)And just as ma ny clergy in Somoza's Nicaragua used churches and massesto express cultural opposition, so even today is this the case in Poland, asexemplified by the weekly mass for 'the Fatherland at the ChristianUniversi ty of the Workers, organized near Krakow by Father Jancarz,continui ng for steelwo rkers and intellectuals a tradition begun by FatherPopieluszko for steelworkers in Warsaw, before his murder in 1984(Michnik, p. 43; Ash 1985:5).Let me emphasize that in the respective pre-revolutionary settings ofNicaragua, Iran, and Poland, t he religious sector was not the sole sourceof opposition to the regime. A revolutionary mov ement, as any broad-based collective curren t, has different streams. Th e religious factor is sig-nificant in providing the movement with a moral force and symbolicmeans to neutralize and delegitimate the established regime and to affirmthe legitimacy of the opposition. By so doing, i t provides members withthe courage and m otivation that is needed to band together in active oppo-sition and t o risk their lives, if necessary, in seeking to to pple the regime.This is particularly true in the case of the Catholic Church (and the Evan-gelical missions in Nicar agua) and Shi'ism, respectively, because of their


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Social change and sacral izat io tremphasis upon the acceptance of suffering and m artyr dom in emulationof their founders Christ for the forme r, Ali and his son Husay n, for thelatter.Durkheim's analysis of the societal setting in which collective regener-ation takes place is rather bare, and it is not c learjust what incites or leadsthe Australians to co me together; nor does Durkhe im discuss the precon-ditions for the collective effervescence o f revolutionary epochs. But therevolutionary settings of Iran, Nicaragua and Poland suggest that the"dullness of life" of the everyday, secular world , which D urkheim noted,was a function of decreased standards of living for the majority of thepopulation and increased political and cultural repression by the regime.Grievances against the respective regimes had accumulated over theyears, w ith episodic outbreaks, riots, and s o on.In al1 three countries religious leaders rnade co mm on front w ith secularones in denouncing the imm orality of the regime. T he opposition move-ment that grew in each country in the 1970s had a comingling of clergy,laity and secularists. T he presence of recognized religious leaders in themidst o f the opposition is highly significant in uniting and encouragingindividual actors to engage in opposition to the regime. Durkh eim talksabout the phase of the profane social world and the "dispersed conditionin which the society finds itself" (Dur kheim , p. 246). It is no t just econ-om ic differentiation w hich dispers es (stratifies, fractionalizes) the societalcomm unity: it is also in the nature of repressive and totalitarian regimesto disperse actors and to seek to prevent them from com ing together. O nthe other hand. the religious leaders in the three societal settings we havebeen talking about played a crucial role in the welding of the oppositioninto a cohesive, com mitted social body. No te the passage in The Elemen-t ry Forms:To strengthen those sentiments which, if left to themselves, would soon weakcn;it is sufficient to bring those who hold them together and to put them into closcrand more active relations with one another. (pp. 240-1And Durkheim, without using the term "charismatic leader" goes on tota lk about the ro le of the man able to enter in to communion with thecrowd; dominated "by a moral force which is greater than he and ofwhic h he is only the interpreter." he is able to generate an "exceptionalincrease of force" and "passionate energies" (p. 241). Durkhe im m ightwell have in mind as examples for this analysis Desmoulins or Dantonduring the French Revolution or Jcan Jaures in his own days. B ut in ourcontemporary setting, the catalytic agents of the revolutionary move-ments have been religious figures as much as secular ones.So. for example, the election of Karol Wojtyla as pope in October 1978

F r ot n u r k h e i m ro M a r ~ a ~ q u awas greeted in Polan d as a miracle and "triggered off an unprecedenteddemonstration of national and civic awareness" (Szajkowski 1983:60).Even the Polish Co mm unist Party (PUW P) sent to John Paul 11 a con-gratulatory message with a nationalistic ring. The collective effer-vescence, whic h rose t o a peak in 1981 in such manifestations as theSolidarity C ongress, the ceremonies of the 1956 uprising in Poznan, andthe M arch general strike,I6 may be said to have been triggered off in June1979 by the return hom e ofJ ohn Paul 11:This papa1 visit to Poland was a psychological earthquake, an opportunity formass political catharsis. The Pope expressed in public what had been hidden fordecades. the people's private hopes and sorrows, their longing for uncensoredtruth, for dignity and courage in defense of their civil and human rig hts. (Szaj-kowski 1983:72). his retu m visit broug ht millions of Poles, particularly the you ng,togethe r in massive dem onstratio ns of national unity and religious fervour. (San-ford 1985:8)In Iran, the exiled Khome ini (in nearby Iraq until the authorities, becom-ing worried about Shi'ite radicalism, forced him to leave for Paris inOctober 1978) became the national rallying point for various sectorsof society, including secular intellectuals, particularly after the deathin 1977 of Ali Shari'ati. C ollectiv e effervescence grew in intens ityin 1978 with marches, processions and strikes against the P ahlaviregime; banners in these demonstrations always included a picture ofKhomeini.In Tehra n on December 1978, the first day of Mu harram (a mon th ofspecial significance for Shi'ism since Husayn's martyrdom took placethen) was placed under curfew. Returning home from mosques, peoplebegan shouting anti-Shah slogans and from their roofs began chanting"Kill the Shah ," "God is Great " and "Bring Back Khomeini "The cry was picked up as others in the same and adjacent neighborhoods took upthe clamor. Spreading from quarter to qua rter throughout the city, in Tehran a tleast, the enti re populace seemed to be ignorin g the curfew The chants werehypnotic, and as hysteria seemed to grow, people almost lost control. (Green1982:127)Th e Iranian situation (but also the Polish one since Joh n Paul 11 is a veryeffective national symbo l of Polish unity even aw ay in the Vatican, wit-ness the respective visits of both Polish authori ties and Lech Walesa there)indicates that the physical presence of religious figures is not necessary ingalvanizing the cohesion of the revolutionary m ovement: It is important


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Social change and sacralizat ionthat different groups unitefeeling hic presente, which acts as a symbol ofnational unification.Collective effervescence in Iran may have reached a zenith the day inFebruary 1979 when K homeini returned, greeted by tw o million people,and it may have reached a climax in Nicaragua on 2 July 1979 when theFSLN definitively took over M anagua after the collapse of the Somozadynasty. How ever, the effervescence of a revolutionary mov emen t is partof an accelerating process, which this chapter has discussed in terms o fdedifferentiation. Th e Iranian Revolution and the Sandinista Revolutionbecame successes in 1979, as did the Polish Rev olution in 1980-1 (in termsof the legal recognition of unions and other major regim e concessions togroups outside the party). Collective effervescence as part o f the renewalof the societal comm unity, in opposition t o off~cial ociety, is a dramaticsurfacing of interactions between groups and individual actors that takeplace well before a peak is reached or success achieved in ove rcomin g theregime. What is involved is a twofold process of demoralization of theexistent regime and welding together strands of the opposition into asingle moral community, which is defined by the leaders of the move-ment as the authentic nation. Th e task of the revolution, of course, isnot achieved by th e peak of the collective effervescence. Th e process ofunification, of defining the new moral co mm unity which will renew thenation previously subm erged in an alien regime, has to be com plementedby a new phase of differentiation involved in institutionalizing the revol-utionary movement, that is, in restructuring the societal institutions inaccord with the principles of the movem ent.The latter phase of contemporary revolutions lies beyond the scope andintention of this chapter. As mentioned in the introductory section. theeventual outcome of the respective revolutionary situations is hard to

prognosticate, to a large extent because of exogenous factors, albeit thelatter are paradoxically o f some im portance in m aintaining the cohesionof national solidarity. The virulent opposition of Washington to Sandin-ista Managua, of Moscow to Solidarity, and of Sunni Islam to Kho-meini's Iran, functions s in earlier revolutions faced by invasion fromcounter-revolutionary forces o provide the new regime with popularsupport, which migh t otherwise dissipate. In the case of both Nicaraguaand Poland an exogenou s variable is the relation of the indigenous Cath-olic Church t o the Vatican, with John Paul 11 showin g increased oppo-sition to liberation theology and to the political involvement of thefaithful in social movements. These and various other particular aspectsof the em pirical cases cal1 for a different line of analysis than tha t attem p-ted in these pages.In conclusion, 1 have tried to irame an imp ortant cluster o f large-scale

From Durkheim to Managuasocial phenomena in our own immediate period within a conceptualframe that derives from a sociological masterpiece. Durkh eim's Elemen-t ry Forms is a magnificent sociological testam ent of the significance of thereligious factor in the organization (and dynamics) of hum an society. YetDurkhe im himself was very am bivalent towards the surviving organizedreligions of his day, particularly the Catholic Church. How would heview the contemporary situations that we have interpreted in this chap-ter? 1 would like to think he wo uld find very apt the following attitude ofAdam Michnik (intellectual and adviser to Solidarity), described by A lainTouraineIf he had been a Frenchman at the beginning of the twentieth century, he told us,he would have taken part in the fight against clericalism and would have been infavour of the separation of Church and state. But, he added, it is impossible tocompare a democratic situation with a totalitarian one. In the latter, the Church isa force resisting absolute power; it protects civil society against the state, andtherefore plays a fundamentally democratic role, even when it continues to adoptculturally conservative positions which reinforce its hold over the population.(Touraine t al 1983:46Postscript: the Philippines Revolution of 986Subsequent to the preparation of the above chapter, the Philippinesunderw ent in February 1986 a dramatic series of political events thatmakes this a striking fourth contem porary instance of the role of religionin revolutionary situations. T o recall the salient features of the PhilippineRevolution, the twenty-yearsld regime of Ferdinand Marcos hadbecome increasingly incapable of dealing with economic deteriorationand massive popular discontent. Under pressure from the United Statesto demo nstrate popular supp ort, Marcos called for a snap election on 7February, and the National Assembly which his KBL party controlleddeclared him the winner on 14 February. Ho wever, in the days that fol-lowed, a unified Rom an Catholic Chu rch, the institutional Ch urch ofthe country since the Spanish colonial period, took an unprecedentedactive role which led to th e ultimate delegitimation and deposition of theMarcos regime and to the subsequent legitimation of Corazon A quino asthe rightful new president.Prior t o the elections, in many rural areas not co ntrolled by the guerrillaforces of the Communist National Democratic Front, the Church hadvirtually become th e only vocal govern ment opposition; severa1 priests,ministers, and lay leaders had been killed, w ith the evidence pointing tothe m ilitary (Peerman 1986:228). Th e electoral campaign itself contrib-uted to the collective effervescence, as the Aqu ino campaign was forced toutilize unconventional means of generating public awareness and indig-


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Soc ial change a t id sacra l iza t ionna tion (Ch anco and Milano 1986:31). Th e color ye llow bccame thcs ym b ol o f the pe op le powe r , w i th s h re dde d pa ge s o f the ye l low pa ge so f phone bo oks th row n f rom tal1 bu i ld ings du r ing r a ll ie s, a nd a popu la rjuke box h i t , T ie a Ye l low Ribbon , a s one o f the ba t tl e hym ns . T h era d io ne twork o f the Ca tho l ic Chu rc h , Ra d io Ve r i t as , p rov ide d l ivec ove ra ge fo r the oppos i t ion c a m pa ign du r ing the e n t i r e four -day r e vo l -ution, u nlike other off ic ia l media such as te levis ion ne tw ork s supportiv eo f Ma rc os ( Cha nc o a nd Mi la no 1986:2) M ore im por ta n t in the de le g it i -m a t ion o f the a n c i e n r g i m e were major pas tora l le t te rs by the bishops ,be g inn ing w i th J a im e Ca rd ina l S in , the c h ic f p re la te, whos eletter, read in al1 churches on 18 January 1986, virtually accused th c party inpowe r o f a t t e m pte d f r a ud a nd in t im ida t ion . E ve n w hi le the na t ional a s-s e m bly wa s de c la ring Ma rc os the o f fic ia l w inne r , R ic a rdo Ca rd ina l Vida la nd Bis hop Cla ve r , s pe a k ing fo r the Ca tho l ic B is hops ' Confe re nc e ,de cla re d tha t a gove rn m e n t tha t a s sum e s o r r e tains powe r th roughfraudulent means has no mora l basis the church wil l not recognizePres ident Marcos even if he is proc la imed winner (Buru ma 1986:11).

Th e bishops ' forceful Valcntine Day' s dec la ra t ion proc la iming them ora l ob l iga t ion o f the pe op le to r igh t the f r a udu lenc e o f the r e g im e a ndits cal1 for ac tive res istance ofev il by peaceful means was a mom ento usoccas ion. As Peerm an has observ ed, never befo re had the bishops of anyna t ion c ond e m ne d a gove rn m e n t a s unwo r thy o f a l le g ianc e a nd c ha m -pioned a revolution a lbe it nonviolent on e aga ins t i t (P eerman1987:4) . Indeed, the ins t i tut iona l Ch urch was a c ruc ia l fac tor in the pro-m ot ion o f the Fe brua ry r e vo lu t ion , inc lud ing the r e m a rka b le ove r -th rowi ng o f a r e p res s ive r e g im e wi th non-v io le n t m c a ns o fde legit imation. Th e s ta te of collec tive e ffe rvescence tha t charac tc r ized thecases of Poland, I ran, and Nicaragua is a lso indica ted for the Phil ippinesin the following s ta tement: tha t rev olution did come, in four tense butexhila ra t ing days in la te February. Despite i ts potentia l for tragedy, thevirtually bloodless upr is ing to ok o n thc aspec t of a rel igious fest ival , wi thcolorful banners f lying, nuns saying the rosary, and people extendingfood and f lowers to the enemy (Peerman 1987:4) .

otesFor relevant discussions. see Mo ore 197 8; Lacroix 19 81;Coenen-Huther 1984;

and Fenton 1984.There is one recent study of revolutions, Billington's F i re i n t h e M i t i d s o j M e t i

F ro m D u rk h e i m t o M a n a g u a(1980), which highlights the religious factor in European revolutions, from theFrench to the Russian.There is an abundant literature on each revolution. Am ong work s that havefound particularly informative on lran see Bakhash 1982, 1984; Fischer 1980;Keddie 198 1. For Nicaragua: B oot h 1982; LaFeber 1983; Walker 1982. ForPoland: Ash 1984; Ruane 1982; Szajkowski 1983; Tou raine et al. 1983.4 Indeed, one can consider revolutionary movements as a sub-set of charismaticmovemen ts, with charisma residing in the movem ent itself, rather than specificindividuals. This assertion, which complements rather than contradicts theWeberian perspective on charisma, is based on the following suggestive passagein T h e E l em e nt a ry F o m s that parallels Weber's conceptualization:

We say that an object, whether individual or rollective, inspires respect when the represen-tation expressing it in the mind is gifted with such force that it automatically causes or in-hibits action, without regard for a n y consideration relative to their useful or in jurious effectsThis is why commands generally take a short. peremptory form leaving no place forhesitation; it is because it excludes al1 idea o f deliberation or calculation; it gets its effi-cacy from the intensity of the mental state in which it is placed. It is tliis intensity whichcreates what is called a moral ascendancy. (1961:237-8. emphasis mine)

Note, for example, the following pertaining to the Sandinistas' launching ofthe Literacy Crusade in Year of the Revolution:lmplicit in this process of transformation w s the vision of a new society and of an edu-cational model that would help bring about its realization. According to revolutionarythinking. that vision rested principally on the intelligent. creative involvement of a newkind ofcitizen n new participacory forms ofsocial organiz ation. Essentially. it called for theformation of the new man and the new woman, a revolutionary citizen inspired by thegoals of community service ra ther than individual gain The new social order meant cre-ating a different set ofinstitu tions which would respond to the interests and needs ofth e ma-jority. (Miller 1982:247-8)6 Elsewhere (Tiryakian 1978) have suggested that Durkheim might well havedrawn upon other and closer collective experiences of the Third R epublic suchas the trans-Paris funeral procession of the remains of Victor Hug o and the tumul-tuous pro- and anti-Dreyfus demonstrations as occasions where great as-semblies give rise to collective enthusiasm and sentiments of participating in aworld that transcends the everyday, mun dane sphere.

O b i t e r d i c tu m , this is a striking parallel to Weber's own foreseeing as one alter-native to the mechanized, bureaucratized petrification of capitalistic society thepossibility o f a new charismatic renewal.8 Luckmann's perspective (1967) as to the growin g centrality of the privatiz-ation of the religious in individual autonom y is the reciprocal of Durkheim'snoting (1961[1912]:347) the rudimentary aspect of the individual cult.Society is able to revivify the sentiment it has of itself only by assemblingT h e E l e m e nt a r y F o r m s , p. 391).1 O f course, revolutions often develop elaborate rituals: for interesting ma-ter ial ~ n the French Revolution in this vein, see Ehrard and Viallaneix 1977 andHunt 1984.


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Social change and sacralization From Durkheim to ManaguaFor recent discussions that bring back the centrality of nation as a social cat-egory, see Nielsson 1985, Tiryakian and N evitte 1985, Arm strong 1982, and thereview essay by Waldron 1985.

2 The periodicity which Durkheim noted in The Elementary Forms as charac-terizing oscillations between sacred and profane activity receives an importantcorroboration in Bales' research and analysis of phase movements in sm all groups(Bales 1953:123).13 Recall that de Tocqueville's voyage to America, in which he noted both thevitality of religion and the imp ortance of equality in the new republic, took placein the midst of the great revival.14 Very broadly, w e may think of processes of differentiation as evolving fromL k G - A , and dedifferentiation as a reverse movement. Th e high intensity of1-L interchanges, we suggest, would be in Parsonian action terms the equiv-alent of Durkheim 's notion o f collective effervescence.5 Note, for example, these passages in Fischer's discussion of the Iranian Revol-ution: The them e of mart yrdom was of course central to the revolution (Fis-cher, p. zrq ), and Muharram [Decem ber 19781 began with an explosion. Forthree consecutive nights, m en in wh ite shrouds signifying their willingness to bemartyred went in to the streets in defiance of the curfew (p. 204).In the Central American situation, the murders of fellow Mary knoll and otherpriests and nun s in Guatemala and El Salvador, climaxed by the assassination ofArchbishop Romero, have made the theme of martyrdom in the service of theoppressed and the poor particularly salient to the clergy participating in the San-dinista Revolution.Note , for example, th e interweaving of Nicaraguan realities and the Christianpassion in Ernesto Cardenal's remarkable The Cospel in Solentiname as pointedout by Berryman:

Jesus before the Sanhedrin is like Tomas Borge, the Sandinista leader, w ho had been put ontrial; the Roman soldiers are like Somoza s Nation al Guard or like Green Berets There isan extensive comparison between the death of Jesus and that of Sandino (Berryman.384:ro)In the case of Poland, the them e of marty rdom and sacrifice have many im portantsymbols drawn from the historical experience and suffering of that country. Avery important figure is Stanislaw Szczepanowski, patron saint of Poland; thiseleventh-century bishop of Krako w was slain, while saying mass, by a tyrannicalruler whose im mora l rule he had defied. Szajkowski notes about the bishop, ForPoles he remained for centuries a symb ol of civil courage and religious zeal, aswell as of national identity (p. 62). U pon his accession to the papacy, Joh n Paul11, whose see had been Krako w. sough t to visit Poland in May 1979 to take part inthe ceremonies for the 900th anniversary of Stanislaw's m artyrdo m. T he regime.al1 too aw are of the symbolism, had the visit put off until the following mo nth.6 At eight o'clock on Friday 27 March the factory sirens sounded from Gdanskto Jastrzebie and Poland stopped work. For the next four hours Polish society

demonstrated its unity and self-discipline in the largest strike in the history of theSoviet bloc (Ash 1983:157). A departmental colleague who happened to be in

Poland in early September 1981 reported that during the week he was there thePolish sociologists, no less than the general population, were having a collectiveexperience of a high.

efevencesArmstrong , John A . 1982. Nations Befare Nationalism. Chape1 Hill, NC : U niver-sity of North Carolina Press.Ash, Timothy Gorton. 1984. The Polish Revolution: Solidarity. Ne w York: Char-les Scribner's Sons.1985. Poland: Th e Uses of Adversity. New York Review of Books 32 Uune27):s-10.Bakhash, Shaul. 1982. The Revolution Against Itself. New York Review ofBooks 30 (November 18):19-20, 22-6.1984. The Reign of the Ayatollahs: lran and the Islamic Revolution. New York :Basic Books.Bales, Robert F. 1953. The Eq uilibrium Problem in Small Groups. In TalcottParsons, R. F. Bales and Edward A. Shils, Working Papers in the Theory ofAction pp. I I 1-61. N ew York: Free Press.Berryman, Phillip. 1984. The Religious Roots of Rebellion. Christians in CentralAmerican Revolutions. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.Billington, James H. 1980. Fire in the Minds of Men. Origins of the RevolutionaryFaith. New York: Basic Books.Booth , John A. 1982. Th e End and the Beginning. The Nicaraguan Revolution. Boul-der, CO : Westview.Burum a, lan. 1986. Bishops in Op en Defiance, Far Eastem Economic Review(Hong Kong) 131 (27 Februa ry):~ -13.Chanco, Pe dro A. and Benjamin H. Milano. 1986. A Different Kind of Revol-ution. Communication World 3 (Septernber):j~-3.Coenen-Huther, Jacques. 1984. Le Fonctionalisme en sociologie: et apres? Brussels:ditions de llUniversit de Bruxelles.Dods on, Michael and T. S. Mon tgom ery. 1982. The C hurches in the Nicara-guan Revolution. In Thom as W. Walker, ed., Nicaragua in Revolution pp.161-80. New York: Praeger.Durkheim, Emile . 1961 [ I ~ I I ] . he Elementary Forrns of the Religious L i j . Trans.Joseph Ward Swain. New York: Collier.Ehrard, Jean and Paul Viallaneix, eds. 1977. Les Fgtes de la Rvolution. Paris:Socit des tudes R obespierristes.Eliade, Mircea. 1959. The Sacred and the Projne. The Nature of Religion. N e wYork: Harcourt, Brace.Fenton, Steve. 1984. Durkheim and Modern Sociology. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.Finney, Charles Grandison. 1960 [I 835). Lectures on Revivals of Religion edited by


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Lacroix, Bernard. 1981 Durkheitn el le politique. Paris: Presses de la FondationNationale des Sciences Politiques. and Montreal: Presses de l'universit deMontral.LaFeber, Walter . 1 98 3 Inevitable Revolutio ns. T h e United States iti Central America.New York: W. W. Norton.Luckinann, Thomas. 1967. Th e Invisible Religion: T he Problem of Religion itrModern Society. New York: Macmillan.Luhmann, Niklas. 1982. Th e Di erentiation of Society. New York: Columbia Uni -versity Press.Merkl, Peter H. and Ninian Smart, eds. 1983. Religion and Politics in the ModertiWorld. New York: New York University Press.Michnik, Adam. 1985. Letter from the Gdansk Prison. New York Review ofBooks 32 (July 18):42-8.

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